Rio Gringa

Bandidos Mortos: Which Brazilians Are Condemned to Die?

In Brazil, there's a saying: "Bandido bom é bandido morto." A good criminal is a dead criminal. It's the kind of perspective that forms when under the constant threat of violent crime. Though the death penalty is banned in Brazil, killings of alleged, assumed, and accused criminals happen often. More often than not, victims of extrajudicial murders, particularly at the hands of police, are black and poor. When a white, middle class person becomes the victim, it's a different story.

This issue came to the fore this week when a man named Marco Archer became the first Brazilian national to be executed abroad. The 53-year-old convicted of drug trafficking in Indonesia died by firing squad. President Dilma Rousseff herself appealed to her Indonesian counterpart on humanitarian grounds, but her request for clemency was denied. Brazil recalled its ambassador from Jakarta, and Rousseff said there would be diplomatic consequences.

The failed appeal wasn't just an effort to save a fellow citizen. Brazil bans the death penalty, and maximum prison sentences are capped at 30 years. By law, Brazil will not extradite foreigners who will face a life sentence or a death sentence in their country of origin. In Archer's case, the Brazilian government asked for his extradition so he could serve his jail sentence in Brazil.

Archer was a confessed criminal. He was a seasoned international drug trafficker who began hauling cocaine and other drugs in the 1980s across Latin America, the United States, Europe, and Indonesia. He grew up middle class in Rio's Ipanema neighborhood, and was a professional hang glider. As he began trafficking, he became a playboy, traveling the world and living large. But at one point, he got into a bad accident while hang gliding, ending in a long recovery and expensive hospital bills. So he went on a new smuggling trip to Indonesia, where he was arrested in 2003.

In a 2005 interview with a Brazilian journalist, he proudly said: "I've never paid income taxes, I've never had a checkbook, I never served in the army. I only voted once in my life, for Collor, a family friend." On his storied trafficking career, he said: "I've never had another job in my life."

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The execution has divided Brazilians. Some say he deserved it, along the lines of bandido bom, bandido morto school of thought. Others have expressed outrage from a human rights perspective. Amnesty International Brazil Executive Director Atila Roque told Reuters:

"The impression that Indonesia is giving to the world is that the country is moving backwards, that it is decidedly willing to disrespect something which is so important for the world today. The world is moving forwards in reducing, suspending and halting the executions, and Indonesia is saying 'no.'"

Meanwhile, Brazilian writer Alex Castro wrote on Facebook:

"Dear Brazilian drug trafficker...do the exact same thing in Indonesia that you do in Rio's favelas or the outskirts of São Paulo, and get executed by the Indonesian government after a trial, instead of summarily, in the street, by a Brazilian military policeman. (Ah, to be Carioca, white, middle class; having a cool profession also helps. Avoid being black at all costs!)"

While Brazilian law prohibits the death penalty, in reality executions by state agents are common in Brazil. Between 2009 and 2013, over 11,000 Brazilians were killed by police, according to the Forum Brasileira de Segurança Pública. Last year, killings by police rose 30 percent in Rio de Janeiro, and nearly 29 percent in São Paulo. On average, police kill six people each day.

Black Brazilians are much more likely to be executed by police. In general, nearly three-quarters of Brazilian homicide victims are black. And in São Paulo, for example, police kill blacks at a rate three times higher than of whites.

Youth are often targets. One particularly terrible case happened this month in Rio de Janeiro. Patrick Ferreira Queiroz, age 11, was shot three times in the back by police during an alleged shoot-out with drug traffickers in the North Zone favela where the boy lived. Military police, part of the local "pacification" unit, claim Patrick was armed, and said they found drugs and a gun in his belongings. His father denies he had a gun, and his cousin said she witnessed police targeting and executing him, shooting him multiple times at close range. Police had detained Patrick a week before his death on suspicion of working for drug traffickers, but he wasn't charged and was released. One of Patrick's older brothers had also been recently detained for alleged ties to trafficking. Patrick had dropped out of school six months earlier, and was reportedly working at a local café.

Patrick was buried the day he would have turned 12. The shooting is now under investigation.

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In 2008, one of Brazil's most famous actors starred in a movie called "Meu Nome Não É Johnny." It's based on the true story of a white, upper-middle-class Carioca who became a drug trafficker, got caught, and was given a minimal jail sentence of two years, during which time he redeemed himself and got his life back on track. It's a vivid example of the vast differences in how judicial systems treat white and black drug offenders, as well as wealthy and poor offenders.

A documentary on Archer's life is already in the works. But don't expect a movie about Patrick any time soon.

Lessons from Brazil's 2014 Presidential Election

Come Sunday, Brazil will have its next president, and there's a chance a sitting president could lose her seat. But beyond determining the country's next leader, what has the presidential race revealed about Brazil?

• More virulent campaign tactics are happening. The campaign has taken on a much more aggressive tone as both parties aim to show the other as an enemy of the Brazilian people. Both are casting themselves as defenders against the other, and as the opposite side and its supporters as the enemy. "I'm going to free Brazil from the PT!" Neves yelled at a recent rally. This week, his party released a campaign video of a cartoon depicting the "monsters" of the PT government, including a Cuban Godzilla and Petrobras vampires. Rousseff, meanwhile, wrote on Facebook that the PSDB see Brazil as a catastrophe, and are the ones who opposed the World Cup (which some saw as an indirect criticism of last year's protesters). On Twitter, she said the rival opposition party only "represents a third of Brazil."

• Political polarization among voters has deepened. Political chatter has reached a fever pitch, particularly on social media, leading to bitter arguments among friends. It's been so bad that the Justice Ministry launched a social media campaign with the slogan: "Don't confuse hate speech with freedom of speech." One observer is even concerned that this polarization could persist after the election. "Brazil is torn. Half on one side, half on the other. Someone will will by a slim margin. If the tone on the internet continues as it is, the path of the country is blocked," wrote Globo columnist Pedro Doria. "There will be hate among Brazilians. Searching for a civilized conversation is our first mission next Monday."

• Lower-income voters don't mean left-wing voters. One of the frequent complaints of some right-leaning voters is that the poor consistently vote for the PT, and that the PT uses programs like the cash-transfer program Bolsa Familia to win those votes. But Neves' close second finish in the first round and the election of the most conservative Congress in the post-1964 period indicates that there's a diversity of support for the right. Rio blogger Julia Michaels even argues: "Paradoxically, it may be that part of Dilma’s Workers’ Party shrinking appeal is due to a growing conservatism on the part of those who have left poverty during their watch."
  
  
• Polling is still unreliable. Surveys underestimated Neves' showing in the first round and overestimated Rousseff's. "Much of the unpredictability is a product of Brazil being a young democracy," writes journalist Stephen Kurczy for the Americas Quarterly blog. Reasons include a lack of historical election data, making it hard to predict voter intention; fewer numbers of polls and lower sample sizes; a more volatile, multiparty system; and in-person polling.

• The vote represents a referendum on the PT. Marina Silva's brief rise and Aécio Neves' now real threat to Rousseff show increasing discontent with the ruling party. "Dilma's already been defeated," wrote journalist Juliana Cunha on her blog. "To be practically tied with Aécio Neves even with the state machine behind her and Lulaism's emotional appeal is a big blow." Plus, she says, "Dilma's rejection shows that the PT's project to redistribute income has dried up, and the government has failed in taking the next step to bring people out of poverty...it's not a lack of charisma, nor Dilma's personal incompetentence, and it's definitely not because Aécio Neves is a good candidate." She added: "It's important the PT realizes that even if it wins, it's lost, and will continue to lose as long as it doesn't advance inclusion of consumers to extend to inclusion of citizens."

• The election spurred a debate about what Brazilian democracy means. "An electoral campaign in which polls were debated more than platforms was more like a videogame than a presidential vote," wrote journalist Elio Gaspari. In a Folha piece about social media spats over which candidate to support, Brazilian designer Ronaldo Fraga complained: "Everyone talks so much about democracy on Facebook, but this isn't democracy." Thiago de Aragão, partner at Arko Advice, wrote on Linkedin: "Democracy isn't just voting. It's participating, getting involved, criticizing, protesting, and constructing throughout a government's administration." Plus, when it comes to choosing a candidate, not enough consideration goes in to the process, he said. "People decide at the last minute because Brazilians are like that. Importance doesn't matter; deadlines do."

• There's a sense of alienation among those who don't support either candidate. Whether it's a matter of not feeling represented by either candidate, not liking either option, or being tired of the angry rhetoric, there's a portion of the population that's unsatisfied with the choice they're given. Even in the first round, abstention reached a 16-year-high, though voting is mandatory. On October 5, more people chose no candidate (voting blank, null, or abstaining) than those who voted for Neves, who came in second. With fewer choices this time around, abstention and blank votes could also remain high. "The two candidates are worthless. If it was up to me, they'd both lose," a Carioca friend of mine wrote on Facebook.

Images: Dilma supporter (Midia Ninja); Aécio supporter (Aécio Neves Flickr).

Why Aren't Brazilians Excited About the World Cup?

In a month, Brazil will host one of the biggest sports events on the planet in a place that's the mecca of soccer. And yet: why aren't people more excited?

Brazil's a big country, and there are 12 host cities, so it's hard to generalize. But the impression I'm getting, particularly from those in Rio and São Paulo, is that there's a definitive lack of anticipation.

Some in Rio say that in past World Cups, the process of decorating the streets with paint and streamers--often done through fundraisers through neighborhood associations--started earlier, whereas now, it hasn't happened yet, or is just starting. World Cup decorations just aren't up around the city, they say. "You wouldn't know there's a World Cup on the way," one Carioca said. Some say they notice a definitive lack of excitement in comparison to past Cups, and identified a different, less animated atmosphere.

Here are some of the things I've heard from Cariocas and Paulistas.

"The prevailing feeling is one of pessimism and a certain indifference."

"There's general dispiritedness."

"Nobody cares."

"We're spending billions and our problems continue, and will continue."

Frustrated by corruption, Brazilians are "crossing their arms once again."

"Now that we know how the event is done, we've lost our enthusiasm."

"Nobody's in the mood."

Surveys show a similar trend. An April Datafolha poll found that 55 percent of Brazilians think the World Cup will hurt the country more than it will help it. This number actually rose since last June by 11 percentage points. Plus, Cariocas in particular are feeling pessimistic: a May poll found that 46 percent of Rio residents have a negative outlook on Brazil.

Maybe it's that people care more about local clubs that the national team, one journalist pointed out. Maybe people will get more into the Cup once the games start, especially if Brazil does well. But in the meantime, perhaps there's a hangover from last year's protests, or maybe people are just tired of the consequences of the event preparation, such as billions of taxpayer reais spent on stadiums with cases of overbilling and corruption in the process.

But there's no going back now, so in the face of this unease, how are people anticipating the games?

First, there are the strikes, particularly in Rio. Public school teachers are now on strike, bus workers are on strike for at least 48 hours, and federal police are threatening to go on strike during the World Cup. And now airline workers from Lan and TAM are threatening to go on strike during the games. As I wrote in March, this is the critical time that workers have to pressure employers into salary raises, or risk serious imbroglios during the World Cup.

Meanwhile, some are taking advantage of the event to point out Brazil's problems. Journalist Mauricio Savarese writes that some of the elite are exposing their frustration with being Brazilian (also known as the complexo de vira-lata.) One company, he shows, even printed tee-shirts with the words "Down with this underdeveloped Brazil." Savarese explains: "They poison the tone about Brazil hosting the World Cup more than the mistakes and bad planning in the run-up to football’s extravaganza." Plus, he adds, "Many are kidnapping the very social agenda they disagree with to make shallow and politically disengaged criticism."

Finally, there are some using the run-up to the games for activism purposes. For example, Rio de Paz has been running a campaign to protest World Cup spending and corruption in comparison to social spending. They also organized an event in which they painted the street and decorated it with flags, and then held a protest dressing up as hospital patients.

Update: For another perspective on this issue, check out a story in El País Brasil that came out after this post; also see similar stories from the Washington Post, Beyondbrics, and Huffington Post.

Image: A street in downtown Rio ahead of the 2010 World Cup. (Paisagem Grafica da Cidade)

Fifty Years After Brazil's Military Dictatorship Began

This month marks 50 years since the beginning of Brazil's military dictatorship. On March 31, 1964, a coup began that resulted in the overthrow of President João Goulart the following day. The military then ruled the country until 1985. Brazil didn't have the same type of experience that countries like Argentina or Chile had, but it did suffer the effects of authoritarianism: over 400 people were killed or disappeared, thousands were tortured, and censorship was the rule of the day.

So now, 50 years later, what has changed? The answer is complicated.

Investigating Dictatorship-Era Crimes

Unlike some of its neighbors, Brazil hasn't had a great reckoning about the dictatorship. There have been efforts to investigate crimes, though no one has been convicted for dictatorship-era abuses.

Efforts have been made to document human rights abuses, and in 2001, a commission was established to provide reparation to victims. Over 12,000 victims received compensation. In 2011, President Dilma Rousseff signed a law to create a truth commission to investigate dictatorship-era abuses, but the commission has yet to produce a final report. (It released preliminary findings in February.) The commission has also begun efforts to investigate Goulart's death, to determine if he was murdered. But the commission lacks prosecutorial power, and a 1979 amnesty law has protected those who inflicted abuses. In fact, no one has been tried or convicted of human rights abuses during the dictatorship, and it was only in December 2013 that the first trial of dictatorship-era security agents began; they stand accused of being responsible for a disappearance in 1971.

The Transition to Democracy and the Revindication of Guerrillas

Perhaps the greatest victory came with democracy. Brazil has held democratic elections for nearly the past three decades, and is considered a stable bastion of democracy. Most notably, the elections of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff brought two people who struggled against the regime to the presidency. These two leaders also promoted other former guerrillas and political activists to the highest echelons of power. This reversal of fortunes isn't only testament to the shift to democracy, but served as a reinvidication of those who fought against the dictatorship.

Support for Democracy vs. Support for Authoritarianism

Fifty years later, Brazilians are split on the concept of democracy. Support for democracy has grown, to be sure. According to the Latinobarómetro poll, in 2003 only 35 percent of Brazilians said democracy was the most preferable type of government. In 2013, that number had risen to 49 percent. At the same time, a minority still believe in dictatorship. In 2003, 19 percent of Brazilians said in certain circumstances, an authoritarian government can be preferable to democracy, and that percentage remained unchanged in 2013. Plus, according to the survey, only 26 percent of Brazilians are satisfied with how democracy works in their country--one of the lowest percentages in Latin America.

This minority of those who believe in authoritarianism came into the spotlight this week. Folha de São Paulo published a video of people explaining why they support military intervention in Brazil, as well as the new March of the Family, inspired by eponymous demonstrations in 1964 calling for the armed forces to intervene and prevent an alleged communist takeover.

 

The new March of the Family, during which people will show support for military intervention, is scheduled to take place on March 22 in over 200 cities across Brazil.

The Military's Evolving Role

During the upcoming October presidential elections, there could be an unusual candidate: a member of the military. General Augusto Heleno Ribeiro Pereira has the support of nearly 6 million voters, even though it's unclear if he's submitted the necessary paperwork to run. He's right-leaning and anti-PT, which is reflective of the military establishment. Though he's not openly sympathetic to the dictatorship, he's been known to quote the phrase: "Democracy is when I tell you what to do. Dictatorship is when you tell me what to do."

But that doesn't mean that the military's role in the country isn't under scrutiny. Corruption and abuse by military police as well as police violence during the June 2013 protests have helped garner support to demilitarize the country's law enforcement. A proposed constitutional amendment introduced last year seeks to restructure the country's security forces and to demilitarize police, and a public hearing will soon be held about the legislation.

Human Rights in Concept and in Practice

After experiencing over two decades of a regime that trampled human rights, this concept remains complicated in Brazil, which continues to contend with high levels of violence. On one hand, the idea of human rights as an abstract idea is generally accepted. A 2013 youth survey found that 90 percent of young Brazilians think increasing respect for human rights is very important for society. But when it comes to applying this concept in specific circumstances, it's sometimes a different story. For example, a 2010 survey found that nearly 48 percent of Brazilians approve of torture to elicit confessions--and that number actually rose from 29 percent in 1999. The two wildly popular Elite Squad films released in recent years produced a colorful discussion on human rights, as the film's special ops protagonists saw human rights as something for liberal hippies. And when the story broke in February of a young man accused of theft being beaten, stripped, and chained to a pole in Rio, the national debate it sparked revealed that some people actually supported the vigilantes responsible.

Additional resources:

• Folha's interactive guide about the 50-year anniversary of the coup
• A historical breakdown of the Marches of the Family with God for Freedom
• Profile of Augusto Heleno Ribeiro Pereira

Image: Photos of the disappeared during the military regime. Photo by Rafael Tsavkko, Flickr.

The Amarildo Case and Rio's Pacification Strategy

Yesterday, Rio special forces occupied the Complexo de Lins, where two new "pacification units" will be installed as a part of the city's ongoing security strategy. In total, Rio will now have 36 police pacification units. But the city's pacification strategy has come under further scrutiny in recent weeks as new details emerge about the high-profile disappearance of a bricklayer from Rio's largest slum, Rocinha.

Amarildo de Souza's July disappearance may have just flown under the radar as one of many disappearances in Rio each year. But the vanishing of a man believed to be an honest working father came after Brazil's big protests and amid increasing scrutiny of the military police, sparking the interest of celebrities, Cariocas, and people throughout Brazil and spawning protests in several Brazilian cities.

And last week, on October 2, homicide investigators announced they would charge 10 military police officers who worked at Rocinha's pacification unit for the torture and murder of Amarildo, even though his body still hasn't been found.

New details have emerged about the case that have raised questions about the military police working in Rio's pacification units. Police allegedly questioned Amarildo about local drug traffickers, and tortured him in the pacification unit building using electric shocks and suffocation with a plastic bag. Investigators believe at least 22 other people were tortured by police in the same location in Rocinha's pacification unit. The then commander of the pacification unit also bribed witnesses to blame Amarildo's disappearance on drug traffickers. The bribe money came from donations by a company to benefit the favela; the commander also stole money from the donations to rent an apartment.

Rio's governor and the state security secretary have said that the Amarildo case is not typical of the pacification strategy. "We have 8,600 military police in pacification units and the overwhelming majority are beloved by the population," said Sérgio Cabral, the governor. "The Amarildo case is a sad one and shows that the only thing that could happen is what happened--investigation and punishment--precisely because we have a pacification unit in Rocinha."

But the problem is that the numbers aren't adding up.

According to a September analysis of 18 pacification units by Folha de São Paulo, homicides in pacified favelas have in fact gone down by 68 percent from 2008 to 2011. However, disappearances have increased, from 85 in 2008 to 133 in 2011. An estimated 553 people disappeared in those 18 communities from 2007 to 2012. The study also found that of Rio's 33 pacification units, 76 percent have at least one accusation of police abuse.

Overall, disappearances have grown steadily in Rio state. By one estimate, there have been over 92,000 disappearances in Rio state in the past 22 years. According to government statistics, disappearances in Rio state have grown by nearly 30 percent in the past decade, while murders decreased by 50 percent.

Some believe that police are reporting disappearances instead of autos de resistência, when a person dies after a confrontation with police. Because this type of death results while a policeman is presumably doing his job, it's viewed as justified by security forces. One specialist even said the practice of reporting autos de resistência has been a common practice over the past two decades, and has been used to cover up unwarranted confrontations and executions.

In addition, watchdog group Rio de Paz believes the city has numerous clandestine cemeteries used by police to dump bodies. And there's also the possibility of police simply failing to report some crimes. Jailson de Souza e Silva, who runs Observatório de Favelas, noted that the Amarildo case could be the beginning of a crisis of the long-term police presence in favelas. He said that no favela residents really disappear. "Everyone knows what goes on there," he explained.

The entire basis of the pacification strategy is to ensure the presence of the state in areas where the government used to have no control. Some referred to the drug traffickers as a "parallel power" who acted in lieu of the state, providing things like money for medicine and enforcing order in communities with their own brand of justice.

But if police are using the same violent methods as traffickers, is that really pacification? Perhaps the problem lies in the law enforcement officers themselves--known to be corrupt, poorly paid and trained, and to have ties to organized crime--rather than the strategy overall. The Amarildo case has helped shine a light on the persistent challenges of the military police force, which if unresolved, will prevent any successful pacification strategy.

Image: Rocinha in Rio de Janeiro, by Eliseu Cavalcante.

Five Things Happening in Brazil in October

With October almost upon us, here are five things happening next month to watch for in Brazil.

5. Domestic Smartphone Apps: Starting in October, smartphones that qualify for government tax breaks must come with at least 5 Brazilian-made apps. In order to receive a tax break--making the smartphones cheaper for consumers--the phone must have 3G, wifi, and an operationing system that allows third-party apps; must be produced in Brazil; must cost less than $1,500; and must have 5 Brazilian apps pre-installed or shown to the user with the possibility for download. The domestic app requirement will be increased over time and by the end of 2014, the requirement will go up to 50 Brazilian apps. These apps must be in Portuguese, can deal with anything ranging from education to public services to games, and must be approved by the Ministry of Communications. Learn more here

4. Movies: The Rio release of the documentary Batalha do Passinho is October 11. If you're in the city, go see it! The film may be coming to other Brazilian cities soon, too. Learn more here

3. Internet Constitution: After President Dilma Rousseff put a rush on the country's proposed "Internet Constitution" in September following the NSA spying revelations, Congress will have to vote on the legislation next month. Along with requirements for local data storage of websites like Facebook and Google, the bill also guarantees net neutrality. Learn more here

2. Mining Code: Brazil's Congress is slated to vote on the country's new mining code between October 15 and 20. (There's a chance it will be stuck in the House for awhile, though) The legislation will be the first change to the country's mining rules since the 1960s. Learn more here

1. Oil Auction: The long-awaited auction of Brazil's Libra pre-salt oil field--estimated to hold billions of barrels of oil--takes place on October 21. Eleven companies are signed up for the auction. Petrobras, Brazil's state oil company which has a 30 percent stake in the field, turns 60 in October. Learn more here

Image: H is for Home

Dilma's Postponed U.S. Visit

Today, Brazil's President Dilma Rousseff announced that she would not be coming to the United States for a state visit in October, because of an unsatisfactory response by the U.S. government about the NSA spying allegations. Instead, she postponed the visit until a date that has yet to be decided.

Here are some of my observations on the whole thing:

• In a very Brazilian move, Dilma did not in fact cancel the visit, in spite of a lot of reporting to the contrary. She didn't say no. Brazilians, but especially Brazilians in diplomacy, aren't big on saying no.

• Because a lot of the news coverage cast the announcement as a cancellation, Dilma was able to frame the issue domestically in a way that will ultimately help her in the short term. It also helped her make an international splash on a sensitive issue.

• With just over a year until next year's presidential election but just months after Brazil's major protests, Dilma needs to continue building her political capital and to recover her approval ratings. It's not just stories about joy rides and more facetime with constituents that's going to help. Putting her foot down on this issue will win her some points.

• Dilma took a stand that's going to win her big points with constituents, her PT base that isn't crazy about the U.S., and Latin American neighbors who are also unhappy about the NSA allegations.

• If Dilma wins reelection next October, which she has a good shot at, she can go to Washington after she wins. The NSA scandal will have likely died down by then, and she won't have to worry about angering voters.

• Obama, who called Dilma last night, is highly unlikely to make a public apology about spying, as Dilma's administration has demanded. Any mending of fences is going to happen behind closed doors, and some mending is going to have to happen before she reschedules her visit.

• The postponement isn't great for raising Dilma's diplomatic profile (she's no Lula), but she's got bigger fish to fry at home and a reelection campaign to begin. She is coming to the United States next week, in fact, to speak at the UN, where she plans to discuss the NSA's activities.

• Once the visit does eventually happen, probably after next October, maybe the two leaders can actually make some real progress on issues like visas and trade.

Image: Blog do Planalto.