Rio Gringa

Dilma's Comeback and Social Media

After Brazil's massive protests in June, something became clear: the government was more out of touch than previously imagined.

It's not just the sense and the geographical reality of Brasília's distance from much of Brazil's major cities. It was the federal government's style, its castle on a hill type of governance. It was also the fact that the demonstrations caused trust in institutions to nosedive; trust in the presidency fell 33 percent, and trust in the federal government decreased 23 percent. And since the protests were organized and fueled by social media, members of the administration realized: it was time to get President Dilma Rousseff back online.

Rousseff had abandoned her Twitter account in December 2010, and had no online presence at all after her election, unlike other presidents in the Americas. The protests and her upcoming reelection bid meant that had to change--even if it went against her reserved style.

But then came the NSA scandal, and the focus shifted to privacy, not public engagement. Rousseff took a stand on the issues, calling for changes to internet governance while ensuring freedom of speech. So after the protests died down and she'd spoken out against spying, Rousseff rode the wave of her recovering popularity to the interwebs.

First, in July, Rousseff met with a team of social media experts and her campaign guru, João Santana, to devise a plan. Then she launched the Participatório, which is meant to be a Brazilian version of Facebook to engage young people on policy issues. Then she tapped Valdir Simão, a former tourism official, to run a new "digital" cabinet focused on social media and digital engagement.

Next, she worked on changing her image as a technocrat who's not terribly fond of public speaking or schmoozing or charming people over. In August, the government leaked to the media that Rousseff had taken a joyride on a motorcycle, alluding her security team. She boosted her number of domestic trips to two or three a week, to attend ribbon-cuttings and get more facetime with constitudents.

And finally, on September 27, came the big reveal: a new, hip Dilma, back on Twitter. And not only that: she was sitting next to her alter ego, the country's wildly popular Dilma Bolada, known for her (or rather, his) spoof accounts of the president on Twitter and Facebook. The two, both dressed in shades of red (the color of the Workers Party), exchanged a flurry of tweets in the exaggerated Dilma Bolada style that sometimes made it difficult to distinguish the two.

.@diImabr Bom dia linda maravilhosa,sempre acompanhei vc.Mas não me dê bom dia.Mas me dê bons resultados.

— Dilma Rousseff (@dilmabr) September 27, 2013

The normally reserved and formal president took a much more casual tone, and went on to promote the government's redesigned website, to defend her doctor-import program, to speak out against the spying scandal, to criticize the Economist's new pessimistic Brazil report, and to launch her new Instagram account, featuring images of her with celebrities, world leaders, and constituents.

That one of the world's most powerful leaders would call in a nerdy young Carioca social media whiz to help her boost her image speaks to the ever-growing power of social media.

During the initial tweeting, Rousseff also announced that a Facebook page is coming soon. And she even had some fun.

.@diImabr Eu voltei, voltei para ficar. Porque aqui, aqui é meu lugar.

— Dilma Rousseff (@dilmabr) September 27, 2013

 

Sim & me diverti pra valer. Será que vc tem carteira pra dirigir moto? Se tiver, da próxima vez, podemos atuar no 8º Velozes e Furiosas.

— Dilma Rousseff (@dilmabr) September 27, 2013

Alexandre Barros, a political risk consultant, told Mercopress: "It's something to better her image and show she's accessible, that she talks to people, that she's nice, because her reputation as far as being open isn't very good." But now, she has to keep up the momentum, even if it's just staff members updating her account. Since Friday, she's tweeted about a new report on inequality, soccer player Ronaldinho Gaúcho, and her meeting with the Paraguayan president. But one publicity stunt won't be enough to keep constituents engaged, especially young people.

In a recent interview, Fábio Malini, who studies social media in Brazil, commented on potential for the federal government to engage people on Facebook and Twitter, noting what he thinks is necessary for success. "[W]hen the government starts an open dialogue online, it has to adapt to the reality of the web. It’s a reality in which there’s no possibility to construct a singular truth," he said. "The government must create space, especially multimedia spaces, to form a direct dialogue. Whether it’s the president, her ministers, or the government’s technocrats, they should be in direct contact in real time, live in some cases, with people who have different political positions and demands."

Image: Dilma (president) with Dilma Bolada (alter ego). Palacio do Planalto via Instagram.

Why Was An Estadão Reporter Arrested at Yale?

On September 28, Estado de São Paulo's Washington correspondent Cláudia Trevisan was arrested at Yale University's law school for criminal trespassing and spent several hours incommunicado in a New Haven jail. She was trying to interview Brazilian Supreme Court Chief Justice Joaquim Barbosa, who was attending a private event at the university. At a time when U.S.-Brazil relations are at a low--following the NSA spying revelations, Dilma's subsequent postponement of her U.S. state visit, and the Brazilian president's stern words for Obama at the UN this week--the incident comes at a particularly sensitive time.

Here are excerpts from Trevisan's account, which you can read in Portuguese or in slightly messy English. I have edited the English excerpts below so that they're grammatically correct.

I called the Communications Director of YLS, Janet Conroy, and asked if I could attend the seminar. She said no. She also said it would take place in a private building. I told her I had to go anyway and would wait for [Barbosa] on the sidewalk.

I arrived in New Haven around 3:30pm and went to Yale Law School. When I entered the building, I asked the security lady if she knew where the seminar was being held. She said there was no information about it in the system and told me I could look in the rooms to see if I could find it. She did not ask for identification.

I walked through the Law School corridors, went to the cafeteria, sat in the courtyard and realized the seminar was not in that building. I left and went to Wooley Hall..about two blocks away. Its doors were wide open...Nobody to ask for information. No security. I went to the upper floor and saw a policeman. I went straight to him and asked if the seminar was being held there. My intention was to make sure and wait for the minister outside. I did not attempt to enter the room where the event was happening.

The policeman did not answer my question and asked me to follow him, which I did. Back on the ground floor he began to interrogate me. What is your address, phone number, date of birth. I gave him my passport. I did not identify myself as a journalist, but said I was looking for Minister Barbosa and intended to wait for him outside the building. We walked to one of the doors and when we were walked out I asked for my passport back. He refused to give it to me.

That was the only moment when I lost my temper. "You cannot do that," I said. And he replied: "Yes, I can. We know who you are, you are a reporter, we have your picture and you were told several times that you could not be here."

I said that I had only spoken once with somebody from Yale, that morning. In reply, he informed me I was going to be arrested under the charge of criminal trespassing. Two policewomen arrived and stayed by my side, while the guy, named DeJesus, disappeared for a while. He came back about 20 minutes later, told me to stand with my back to him and put my hands behind my back. I was handcuffed while he screamed: "You know why you are being arrested, no?" and I replied: "No, I don’t know." He said: "You were told several times not to be here." Me: “No, I was not." He said: “That is what happens when there are high-profile people involved."

The full Estadão article also notes that Trevisan was in touch with Barbosa himself ahead of the event, and Barbosa told her he didn't want to talk to press. She told him she'd come anyway and wait outside the event. After her arrest, Trevisan said: "I spent five years in China, I've traveled to North Korea and Myanmar, and nothing remotely like this happened to me."

While the arrest has caused outrage in Brazil, it hasn't so much as caused a blip here in the United States, as of Saturday afternoon. Were it the other way around, with an American reporter arrested at a Brazilian university, that wouldn't be the case.

There's also a second complication. Though Trevisan was arrested for trespassing, a colleague from Folha de São Paulo, who also wanted to interview Barbosa, was also at Yale. According to Folha, the journalist identified him or herself, was told he or she couldn't come in the building, and was escorted by a police officer to the street. The journalist was also told he or she risked arrest if he or she tried to reenter the building. So the reporter waited outside.

Why is it that one reporter was arrested, and the other was simply escorted out of the building?

The problem is that with no U.S. coverage and most of the Brazilian coverage simply rehashing Estadão's version of the story, there's been no second or third source, no interviews with witnesses or bystanders, or anything of the sort--essentially no independent reporting. Estadão has a list of questions it wants answered by the university, but they have yet to be answered.

I asked for a statement from the university today, and received the same one that Trevisan also posted on her blog. Here's their statement:

Before she came to the Yale Campus on September 26 to attempt to interview Justice Barbosa, Ms. Trevisan was told that the Global Constitutionalism Seminar attended by Justice Barbosa was a private event closed to the public and the media, and that she was not permitted on Yale property. She came onto Yale property, entered the Law School without permission, and proceeded to enter another building where the attendees of the Seminar were meeting. When asked why she was in the building, she stated that she was looking for a friend she was supposed to meet. She was arrested for trespassing. The police followed normal procedures and Ms. Trevisan was not mistreated in any way. Although the arrest for trespass was justified, the university does not plan to pursue the charge with the local prosecutor. The Law School and Yale University accommodate hundreds of journalists in the course of a year at public campus events and for interviews with members of the Yale community and visitors. As with all journalists, Ms. Trevisan is welcome to attend any public event at Yale and speak with anyone who wishes to grant her an interview.

When I asked a Yale press officer about the Folha reporter, this was his response:

There was a reporter who came to the law school, identified himself and was told that he could not enter for the seminar. He said he would wait outside on the street. He did not enter any building without permission. I do not know if that is the reporter you are asking about.

Fundamentally, the question remains: was it necessary or even legal to arrest Trevisan? Couldn't she have just been escorted off campus with a warning not to come back? Was there a different security arrangement for this particular event that warranted stricter rules? Are there missing details to this story that can be filled in by witnesses or the arresting officer? I'm hoping some intrepid reporters, either Brazilian or American, find the answers. Because a journalist was involved, it's even more reason for good journalism to be done.

UPDATE 1: The Guardian has an article out, but it doesn't add any new details. It mentions that Trevisan accuses Yale of "extremely violent behavior," which judging by both accounts doesn't seem to be the case, other than being handcuffed.

UPDATE 2: Gawker has a summary of several of the reports. Their reporter tried unsuccessfully to speak to the Yale Police Department. She added:

Yale says that because the seminar was a private event closed to the public and the media, Trevisan was not permitted on Yale property. This raises an interesting question since Trevisan claims that the building was open to the general public — and that she was singled out as a journalist merely for entering to ask a cop if she was in the right place. Legally, she was probably fine on the sidewalk, while the building would probably be classified as a "limited public forum". If other tourists and non-members of the seminar were permitted to ask the cop inside for help or directions, arresting Trevisan for engaging in the same behavior while being a journalist could be illegal.

UPDATE 3: Following the arrest, Justice Barbosa said that he was sorry about Trevisan's arrest, and said "she was only doing her job."

UPDATE 4: The New Haven Independent has one of the most complete reports on the incident. It notes that Yale Law School Dean Robert Post was the one who asked for Trevisan to be released and have the charges against her dropped. It also has some good quotes from Trevisan:

On Barbosa: "He’s a public person. His salary is paid by the state. I thought we had all the right to know where he is and what he has done.”

On going to Yale: “I had no intention to attend the seminar itself. I knew I was not welcomed. But I needed to make sure to know on which sidewalk to wait.”

It also includes a second statement from Yale released Sunday night, as follows:

“Ms. Trevisan sought to gain entry to the private gathering by misrepresenting herself to the Yale Police officer who was providing security at the event, claiming to be ‘'looking for a friend.' The event was being held in a private room in a university building outside the law school. Although the first floor of this building is generally accessible to the public, this event was taking place on the second floor in a private room. Staff who were present identified Ms. Trevisan as having previously been informed of the private nature of the event. Because of her attempts to enter the private meeting and because she misrepresented her intentions to a police officer, Ms. Trevisan was escorted from the building and arrested for trespassing."

On the Folha reporter, Yale said: "He agreed respectfully to wait on public property to interview those participants who wished to speak to the press.”

 

Five Things Happening in Brazil in October

With October almost upon us, here are five things happening next month to watch for in Brazil.

5. Domestic Smartphone Apps: Starting in October, smartphones that qualify for government tax breaks must come with at least 5 Brazilian-made apps. In order to receive a tax break--making the smartphones cheaper for consumers--the phone must have 3G, wifi, and an operationing system that allows third-party apps; must be produced in Brazil; must cost less than $1,500; and must have 5 Brazilian apps pre-installed or shown to the user with the possibility for download. The domestic app requirement will be increased over time and by the end of 2014, the requirement will go up to 50 Brazilian apps. These apps must be in Portuguese, can deal with anything ranging from education to public services to games, and must be approved by the Ministry of Communications. Learn more here

4. Movies: The Rio release of the documentary Batalha do Passinho is October 11. If you're in the city, go see it! The film may be coming to other Brazilian cities soon, too. Learn more here

3. Internet Constitution: After President Dilma Rousseff put a rush on the country's proposed "Internet Constitution" in September following the NSA spying revelations, Congress will have to vote on the legislation next month. Along with requirements for local data storage of websites like Facebook and Google, the bill also guarantees net neutrality. Learn more here

2. Mining Code: Brazil's Congress is slated to vote on the country's new mining code between October 15 and 20. (There's a chance it will be stuck in the House for awhile, though) The legislation will be the first change to the country's mining rules since the 1960s. Learn more here

1. Oil Auction: The long-awaited auction of Brazil's Libra pre-salt oil field--estimated to hold billions of barrels of oil--takes place on October 21. Eleven companies are signed up for the auction. Petrobras, Brazil's state oil company which has a 30 percent stake in the field, turns 60 in October. Learn more here

Image: H is for Home

Dilma's Postponed U.S. Visit

Today, Brazil's President Dilma Rousseff announced that she would not be coming to the United States for a state visit in October, because of an unsatisfactory response by the U.S. government about the NSA spying allegations. Instead, she postponed the visit until a date that has yet to be decided.

Here are some of my observations on the whole thing:

• In a very Brazilian move, Dilma did not in fact cancel the visit, in spite of a lot of reporting to the contrary. She didn't say no. Brazilians, but especially Brazilians in diplomacy, aren't big on saying no.

• Because a lot of the news coverage cast the announcement as a cancellation, Dilma was able to frame the issue domestically in a way that will ultimately help her in the short term. It also helped her make an international splash on a sensitive issue.

• With just over a year until next year's presidential election but just months after Brazil's major protests, Dilma needs to continue building her political capital and to recover her approval ratings. It's not just stories about joy rides and more facetime with constituents that's going to help. Putting her foot down on this issue will win her some points.

• Dilma took a stand that's going to win her big points with constituents, her PT base that isn't crazy about the U.S., and Latin American neighbors who are also unhappy about the NSA allegations.

• If Dilma wins reelection next October, which she has a good shot at, she can go to Washington after she wins. The NSA scandal will have likely died down by then, and she won't have to worry about angering voters.

• Obama, who called Dilma last night, is highly unlikely to make a public apology about spying, as Dilma's administration has demanded. Any mending of fences is going to happen behind closed doors, and some mending is going to have to happen before she reschedules her visit.

• The postponement isn't great for raising Dilma's diplomatic profile (she's no Lula), but she's got bigger fish to fry at home and a reelection campaign to begin. She is coming to the United States next week, in fact, to speak at the UN, where she plans to discuss the NSA's activities.

• Once the visit does eventually happen, probably after next October, maybe the two leaders can actually make some real progress on issues like visas and trade.

Image: Blog do Planalto.

The End of Brazil's Protests?

Brazil's winter of discontent seems to be coming to an end. Some observers believe that the peak of Brazil's protests has passed, with the largest ones taking place in June. The most recent protests on September 7 drew smaller crowds than in June and fewer people than protesters would have hoped. But the Independence Day demonstrations proved that there's still energy there, even if diminished. A survey this month found that 54 percent of Brazilians believe things haven't improved since the protests began. At the same time, Dilma's approval ratings are recovering, as is consumer confidence.

Some think the largest protests have come and gone, and that those numbers won't happen again, even during next year's World Cup. "In Brazil people need very clear reasons to leave their homes to speak out," wrote Brazilian journalist Mauricio Savarese on his blog. "That is what the protesters failed to give them after the initial wave of support in June."

But the possibilities for continued action in the street remain. "If something has changed since June, it's a new sense that street protest is valid, possible behavior for ordinary citizens," wrote journalist Claire Rigby for The New Statesman. "The fact is that it appears that in Brazil, like in other countries, the wave of protests is more persistent than expected, so this noise will continue for some time," Eugênio Bucci, a well known Brazilian reporter, said in an interview last month.

Here are some issues to watch for that could potentially spark new protests within the next year.

• The mensalão trial: One of the largest corruption cases in Brazilian history ended in the conviction of 25 people last year. The trial led to greater confidence in Supreme Court on the part of Brazilians accustomed to seeing corrupt officials get off the hook, and fame for Supreme Court Chief Justice Joaquim Barbosa, who's been especially critical of the mensaleiros. But on Tuesday, Brazil's Supreme Court will decide whether to give a new trial to 12 of the defendants. A new trial could definitely spur new protests, especially if it leads to the convictions being overturned. And until any of the defendants go to jail, there's potential for anger from the public.

• A new corruption scandal: It seems possible that there are corruption scandals to be uncovered, either in Brasilia or with World Cup and Olympics projects. If there was a big enough one, it could potentially anger Brazilians who already fed up with corrupt officials. A potential corruption scandal that would cause an outrage is if there was a misuse of funds or embezzlement of oil royalties or funds, given that legislation was passed after the protests to devote royalties to education and health.

• Increased police violence at ongoing protests: There have been festering, smaller protests around the country in July, August, and September, with ongoing police violence and clashes with demonstrators. If there's another big crackdown on peaceful protesters (an important caveat, given cases of property destruction and violence by groups like the Black Blocs) and it gets caught on video, it could help build support for new protests.

• A case of police crime that makes national headlines: The police, especially the military police, have come under even greater scrutiny as a result of the protests. If a case of a policeman murdering an innocent person comes to light--like the seemingly inevitable result of the Amarildo case, for example--it could feed anger that's already grown since June.

• A big spike in inflation: It would have to be a large enough increase to impact the new and the traditional middle classes' wallets and spending power. Inflation has been creeping up, and has been impacting the prices of food, rent, and health services.

• The World Cup: It looks likely there will at least be small protests during the games, but something like a corruption scandal linked to the Cup or some sort of policy impacting Brazilians that helps to benefit foreigners during the games could also spur demonstrations.

Photo: Protesters in São Paulo in June, by Semilla Luz.

Why the NSA Scandal Could Detract from Brazil's Protests

Rio de Paz protest in Brasília

It started just a few weeks after Brazil's massive protests with the revelation that the NSA had spied on millions of Brazilians' phone calls and emails. Then this past Sunday came a new report that the NSA had also spied directly on Brazil's President Dilma Rousseff. And according to journalist Glenn Greenwald, who's been publishing these reports using documents leaked by Edward Snowden, there's an even bigger NSA-Brazil story coming on September 8.

While Brazil's largest demonstrations took place in late June, they've been simmering all over the country, with ongoing protests in Rio in particular. There have been "occupations" of around two dozen city councils across Brazil. The government responded with new plans and investments for health, education, and transport, voting down a controversial bill, and vowing to work on a political reform package. For the first time since redemocratization in 1988, the Supreme Court sent a congressman to jail. Protests in Rio have targeted the governor, and Rio's city council is investigating the city's "bus mafia." The impact of the protests has continued to reverberate nationwide.

And now, the largest protests since June are planned for September 7, Brazil's Independence Day, with demonstrations scheduled in 135 cities.

The protests have helped change Brazil's entire political and social scenario, at least in the short term. There's a sense that people are paying attention and that institutions must be held accountable for their actions. The protesters' demands have created policy opportunities at every level of government, and has made next year's elections much more interesting.

But the NSA scandal may detract from protesters' demands and this evolving scenario. Being able to identify a meddling foreign power and to focus people's attention away from domestic issues is something that some other governments in Latin America do on a regular basis. This hasn't happened yet in Brazil, but if there are more revelations to come, there's a possibility the government could take this approach, at least in the short-term. While privacy concerns are legitimate and worth addressing, so are protesters' demands for better public services and transportation, improved security, as well as less corruption and impunity.

For now, most of the NSA fallout has been on the bilateral level between the U.S. and Brazil, with a lot of play in the media. But if there are more big stories coming, there's a chance the government could use the scandal to distract from other issues at home. (There's also a chance they could spur anti-U.S. protests, but we'll see.) Now it's a matter of seeing what Mr. Greenwald will publish next.

Image: Rio de Paz protest in Brasília by Agencia Senado.

Q&A on A Voz do Alemão

René Silva, the wunderkind of Rio's Complexo do Alemão favela, has another accomplishment to add to his list. He has co-authored a new book, called A Voz do Alemão. The book tells the story of René's community, the newspaper Voz da Comunidade which he started at age 11, and his rise to fame as a young journalist. Published last month, the book is now available throughout Brazil.

René is quite busy these days, traveling to book launches and continuing his work at Voz da Comunidade, as well as being very active on social media. He's also working on rebuilding Voz da Comunidade's offices, which were destroyed in a fire in July. I spoke briefly to René about the book and his views on the project.

What is the book about?

The book tells the story of residents of Complexo do Alemão that helped give a voice to the community. These are the people who helped change the image of the community through social projects.

Journalist Sabrina Abreu co-authored the book. How did you two divide the work?

Sabrina Abreu and I divided the work here in Alemão like this: I recommended everyone who made up the story of the newspaper and who developed social projects [in the community], and she began interviewing them. I went with her to a few places. She based a lot of the story on the Voz da Comunidade newspaper to write the book.

What do you hope to accomplish with the book? What's the most important message in the book?

I hope that the authorities focus more on communities, and that big businesses develop more educational projects in favelas so we can have a better future, without poverty. The message is that it's not enough to just put police in communities and think that all's well; you also need to bring more government investment.

What's your favorite part of the book?

Every part of the book is really neat. But I really liked the chapter that explains how I became famous overnight...it was really fast. I've never heard another story like it.

The book came out after Brazil's protests in June, with ongoing demonstrations in Rio. Do you think these protest could benefit communities like Alemão?

Yes, I believe the protests could benefit communities, because government agencies are going to look at favelas differently.